Trying on Kurdish and Arab scarves in chilly Erbil, Iraq with my guide and friend Samir Barznjy

I completed my research for “WAR: The Afterparty” with a trip to Iraq in January. While I found most of my lodging for my round the world journey through Expedia, Airbnb and Lonely Planet, I came across generous Couchsurfing hosts in Afghanistan and Vietnam. And that’s where I encountered Samir Barznjy, a 31-year old surgeon and businessman in Erbil, the Kurdish region of Iraq. He is visiting the U.S. this week and my old cable TV colleagues are hosting him for lodging and meals in Denver. Samir drove me through the region, from Halabja, site of the chemical bombardment n 1988, to the Citadel, the oldest continually occupied habitat in the world and to the ISIS front lines outside of Mosul. In honor of Samir’s visit to the States, and as Iraqi, Kurdish and U.S. forces mass to retake Mosul from ISIS, please enjoy the recounting of our visit to an Iraqi Army base from “WAR: The Afterparty.”

“There Is No State”

ISIS destroyed the bridge on our right so we went over the Peshmerga-built replacement to get to the army base.

The ride from Erbil to the Iraqi Army base where Fakhradin’s brother serves takes less than an hour. Samir closely controls what sounds float out of the car radio while Fakhradin provides ongoing narration from the rear as we pass each military checkpoint. He points to a small village visible from my right side window. The former residents were no longer interested in being in the middle of periodic skirmishes.

That town is ISIS, abandoned, empty. Twenty days ago, Daesh came through these homes and Peshmerga fought them with the air force, and they retreated.

As we approach the Tigris River’s Greater Zab tributary, separating Erbil’s suburbs from Mosul’s provincial towns, Fakhradin points out a bridge blown up by Daesh and the smaller one which we will cross, built by Peshmerga.

Samir is in a jovial mood. “We are now past the last Peshmerga checkpoint,” he smiles, adding, “We thought we would bring you as a small gift for ISIS.” Funny.

Barznjy, Fakhradin, Gruber, Captain Shamsadin

“This is group number five in Iraqi Army, but they are all Kurdish,” Samir translates as we pass through Army security. Captain Shamsadin, Fakhradin’s brother, greets us in the base parking lot, a collection of buildings spread over a few hundred meters. Fakhradin wears Peshmerga fatigues, the others standard Army issue.

Shamsadin was born in 1979, the year of Saddam Hussein’s ascent to power, and attended the military academy in Kurdistan. After graduation, he joined a Kurdish group in the Iraqi army, becoming Peshmerga when Kurdistan fought for its autonomy from the Iraqi government in 1991. He fought with Peshmerga and U.S. forces in Mosul and Baghdad for the “liberation in 2003.” When the post-Saddam Iraqi Army was formed, he officially rejoined its Kurdish unit.

I confess to Samir that the distinction is confusing. Samir explains,

Iraqi Army Kurds report to Kurdish leaders. And they have told the Iraqi army, you are not permitted to enter Kurdistan. If you do, bad things will happen.

Shamsadin adds, for effect, “We will turn our guns towards the Iraqi army.”

I ask the Captain what was going through his mind when the U.S. invaded Iraq.

In the beginning, most Iraqi people think it will be a good thing for the U.S. to destroy Saddam, the Army and the Ba’athist Party. It was positive for us Kurds, negative for the south and middle of Iraq. Religious men found that some American soldiers had bad attitudes toward the people of Iraq, they used bad language, they hit people, took them away.

Samir adds that there were many reports of sexual harassment by U.S. soldiers, in addition to widely publicized incidents of torture of prisoners by U.S. guards in Iraqi prisons.

Did Shamsadin have mixed feelings fighting with a foreign army against Iraqis?

No, we used to fight Saddam, a dictator who used to oppress my people, destroyed our villages and killed our people with chemical bombardments.

What about the decision to fire the Army and members of the Ba’ath party?

My personal view is that it was a bad thing. Even the military forces did not like Saddam Hussein. When U.S. troops came, they did not fight and handed themselves over to U.S. soldiers. They liked democracy. Why did they send these soldiers home?

We move to Shamsadin’s bedroom to talk further. A uniformed soldier serves tea in a paper cup; it’s very sweet and very hot. A pile of books is stacked by the bed; an automatic weapon leans against the wall. The room sports two portable heaters, one gas-fired, one electric, two metal lockers, a small white fridge and a TV. A rug covers part of the tiled floor. There are two clocks, one wall-mounted, another propped up on the fridge. I’m guessing the green can of Pringles is sour cream and onion. Shamsadin continues.

Mass graves outside the Halabja memorial for the 5,000 dead and 20,000 injured in the 1988 chemical bombardment.

Most soldiers did not fight America. When they lost connection with high-level officers, they left the military bases and went back home. Only two groups fought: at Baghdad International Airport, relatives of Saddam Hussein. And special forces at Saddam residences. Only these two groups.

To what degree are Islamic State officers, leaders and soldiers connected to that event?

The captain folds his arms. His temperament is serene, polite, even gentle. Everyone I meet on the base seems relaxed and confident.

The number one reason for the creation of a terror group was, in Iraq in 2003, high-level colonels were sent home, lost their jobs and money and lost their dignity, became taxi drivers, sold things on the road. Because of this, they joined the terror groups and many years after that they created Daesh. The number one reason for terrorist group is sending these solders home.

The Iraqi Army base auto repair shop. During the ISIS assault three weeks before, a fighter sprayed graffiti which Samir translates as, “Only for cars of the Islamic State.” Most ISIS attackers were later killed by a U.S. airstrike.

In Mosul, most of the wealthy were in the Army. After losing money, job, dignity, they sought an alternative to be back in a higher position. A lot of them went to the military academy, they were military engineers, so they were very experienced.

What was your experience in fighting ISIS in Mosul?

One week before ISIS came to Mosul, we had news that there is a group well-trained in Syria and they wanted to occupy Mosul province. They will come to break out 4,500 terrorists in prisons. They occupied two quarters, I was there fighting. If not for armored vehicles, we would have been killed. These groups, when they came, had new models of HILUX trucks. While Iraqi army had old-fashioned Hummers from the Americans. They’re called Egyptian Hummers. Not good because the weather is too hot for the vehicles. A lot were broken. We were obliged to use these old-fashioned Hummers because they were armored and terrorist groups used bombs. There were 1,500 Daesh fighters. The Iraqi army had much more than that, including army, civil police, anti-terror groups.

Later over shisha and tea, Samir relates the story that Kurdish President Barzani called Iraqi Prime Minister Maliki, and told him we must do something to protect Mosul before Daesh attacks it. Barzani was Peshmerga since he was 13 years old, fighting in the mountains with his father (Mullah Mustafa Barzani, founder of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, or KDP, in 1946). Maliki replied that you have nothing to do with Mosul. Take care of Kurdistan and leave Mosul for us. He called him again, three months later. Same answer.

Why could they not hold Mosul? Conspiracy theories I heard said Maliki ordered his leaders to abandon his troops. Shamsadin says he also wondered, was this Maliki’s order, how to find the exact cause?

When Daesh came to Mosul, they occupied only one or two quarters; then there was a meeting with high level officials in the Iraqi Army and they said at 4 a.m. they will go to attack Daesh and we will take them out. All of a sudden, at 2 a.m., the two most high-level leaders fled Mosul. After that, the low level leaders fled, then the others.

Lunch is served at the army canteen for me, Samir and Fakhradin.

This is usual for Iraq. When Saddam Hussein was captured, a lot of small groups were fighting. But when they relayed that he was captured, they left their guns and did nothing. In Mosul, the same thing. Two commanders, left, then the others; one of the groups of the Iraqi army stayed and fought, and were brave, but only one group.

“Those were the Kurdish troops,” Samir interjects.

Fakhradin asks his brother for something. The captain pulls a roller suitcase from under the bed. He pulls out what looks like an ammo clip and gives it to his brother. It turns out to be a mobile device charger which Fakhradin uses to recharge his brother’s phone.

It is also unbelievable and strange for us. We were ready to fight and all of a sudden they fled. We didn’t believe it when we first heard.

In this region there is one group of Iraqi army which is totally Kurdish. Usually, little collaboration, but when Daesh came to Mosul, only this group remained and they joined Peshmerga to fight. Because of this, they can keep the territories (the area between Erbil and Mosul we drove through).

Here on the front line, you see them first hand, you fought them. What is the solution for defeating the Islamic State?

Fakhradin raises the wooden slat blinders and puts aside the yellow daisy curtains, allowing sunlight to stream into the room. The lower left windowpane is cracked. A tree and a sand-colored building are visible, perhaps 50 meters away.

You, as an American, you know better than us, Sunni and Shia will never collaborate with each other. Maybe they talk on TV or in newspapers, but only talk, and nothing will happen in reality. Iraqi people have lost their dignity, this is the main reason Shia and Sunni will never unite. Even if you want to try to keep it united, any simple thing may make it explode, so it will be only temporary.

This civil war that happened in 2007 in the middle and south of Iraq, a lot of people died and were injured and left a lot of scars in their minds and they will never forget this. So they will never unite. A lot of collaboration between great countries against Daesh, but as we know there is only one in reality, Peshmerga, that on the ground in reality fights Daesh. A lot of countries that says we are allies but in reality they don’t fight. Maybe they are helping Daesh in other ways.

If you and Syrian Kurds get all you need, the Islamic State is finished?

With the support of air force, it will be like a piece of cake.

Shamsadin excuses himself to make a phone call. He says the area commander would like to meet me.

The four of us head to lunch in one of the barracks. Plate after plate is put in front of us, chicken, beans in a tomato-base sauce, vegetables, Kurdish flatbread, hot tea and soft drinks. As soon as I polish off one bowl, another is put in front of me. “I can’t . . .” is ignored.

A tour of the front lines

After lunch, Samir and the captain casually mention that it’s time for Friday afternoon prayers and we walk back to Shamsadin’s bedroom/ office/ meeting room. A green prayer mat is unrolled next to the bed, and, one at a time, they perform their prayers. I am curious how comfortable they seem with this Jewish American civilian stranger sitting and watching.

When prayers are completed, we load into a car for a short ride of a few hundred meters to the sandbag and gun-laden line of defense. The constant refrain of Kurds that their weapons are old, that they are under-equipped is plainly true. We tour the bunkers as accounts of a recent attack is related. Shamsadin pointed to places where Daesh fighters penetrated the perimeter, and where U.S. air strikes incinerated 85 of them. A building with a “Motopool” sign in English and Kurdish has Arabic graffiti sprayed across the front wall. Samir translates: “Only For Vehicles of the Islamic State.” Not anymore.

“With binoculars, we can see the Daesh flags there,” Samir translates guidance from a soldier. A small column of white smoke appears, perhaps two kilometers to our right. A second appears, closer, this time 10 o’clock to our left. Samir asks if I know what that is. I have no idea, maybe small fires, maybe even the results of an air strike. “ISIS,” he says. “Let’s go.”

Iraqi Army Major Luqman Chaw Sheen meets us outside of a larger building housing his office. Chaw Sheen translates as “Blue Eyes,” a nickname, not a family name. He is the Commander of the front line base. He is older and more war-weary than his younger charges.

He understands why many Sunnis have embraced Daesh.

If I am a Sunni who doesn’t want Daesh, what do I do? What is my alternative? Daesh is their only answer. The way to destroy or weaken Daesh is for Sunni people to fight them.

A lot of Sunni IDP (internally displaced persons) live in Kurdistan provinces and they fled Daesh. The problem is that when Iraq was ruled by Sunni, they were very bad toward the Shia and Kurds. Now all political rules are under Shia, they have in their mind to get revenge against Sunni. And they will continue to the end.

A lot of former Iraqi officers joined Daesh with a lot of jihadis from Pakistan, Afghanistan. They have been deceived by religion. Seventy percent of Iraqi officers were from Mosul. They are experts in making rockets and bombs. They say you cannot find this experience now in the Iraqi army.

——————

The Afghan Army base is on a well-trafficked Kabul thoroughfare. The long front wall, heavily fortified and topped with barbed wire, breaks for a large yellow metal space, punctuated on the right side with a metal door. The guard up above the wall offers acknowledgement and the door slides open. Once inside the base, I’m searched, before walking past concrete barriers and an additional gate.

The Colonel is a handsome man, approachable, unbothered, likely in his forties. He has a full head of black hair, and a thick black mustache. He greets me outside of his office structure with seven or eight uniformed men, all friendly, exchanging handshakes, salaams and English greetings. He is the commandant of this base and mingles easily with his men. There are plenty of weapons and soldiers about, but everyone is going about their work, without the tension of the more exposed soldiers and police on the street. There is a business-like sense of confidence and professionalism. There is no sense of a state of siege.

Once inside, we discuss the purpose of the book. The office is modest and utilitarian, with three black vinyl/leather couches surrounding a low, square table. My tea cup is filled by a polite young gentleman who returns throughout our conversation. I’m curious how the Colonel feels about the state of his country, a career officer who has survived twenty-four years of a communist government, the mujahedin, civil war, the Taliban (working for  an NGO, called IAM, International Assistance Mission) and, now, thirteen years of US intervention. As this meeting has not been formally presented up his chain of command, we agree to keep the meeting anonymous for now.

The United States has been in Afghanistan for thirteen years. What mission do you think it has tried to accomplish, and has it been successful?

The Americans and western countries were here to help us fight against world terrorism. When al-Qaeda and the Taliban were here. We wanted them to come, to fight with us, to struggle together. And it has been successful. We have our national army, national police national security. Compare our situation between now and when the Taliban came in power, and how we see ourselves, where we are right now. A great difference.

Why is their brand of Islam so attractive to some Afghans?

Before Taliban, after the Islamic revolution (against the Soviets), there was factional fighting. People were tired of that situation. They wanted something to save them from that. At the beginning, when Taliban invaded, they thought this might be better than mujahedin. Later on, they saw the results: no schools, war, atrocities. Hanging and beating people under the name of Islam.There is a difference between terror and Islam. Under the name of Islam, they try to terrorize people in order to gain access to their aims and objectives. Nothing related to Islam. It is quite easy to deceive people by the name of islam. Now, since they don’t have the power to stand against the government, they just do suicide bombing. I’m quite sure they do the same things in other countries.

Many westerners see the behavior of the Taliban and other Islamist groups, and conclude that Islam is a warlike religion.

Islam is a religion of peace. There is nothing mentioned in the Quran about suicide bombings, slaughtering people, no, it’s not in Islam.

Are there Quran passages that encourage violence against non-believers?

No, in Islam, there is a verse (he recites it in Arabic), it says, you have our own religion, non-believers have their own religion. Live in peace. Don’t harm other people. Let them look at your deeds or behavior, so that they can come to your religion.

Mohammad Najibullah was president of Afghanistan from 1997-2002, when the mujahedin took over Kabul. A communist, he attempted a program of national reconciliation as the Soviets were leaving. The Colonel joined the Army during the last two years of his rule. When the Taliban took over in 1996, they extracted the ex-president from a UN building, castrated him, dragged his body behind a truck through the streets of Kabul and publicly hanged him.

I ask about life under the communist regime and whether there were any positives about that time.

If you compare that with mujahidin, and with Taliban, yes, that was positive, at least there was peace and a better condition for people to work, study and there was better opportunities for women to work and study. There was an article that I read back then, it was written, sooner or later peace will be established in our country, while condemned will be those who impede the return of peace and discontinuation of fratricidal war and insist on the military solution of the situation. The solution that could bring nothing except more suffering more pains and more tragedies for our people. That is the whole thing. They wanted a program of reconciliation between mujahedin and administration, but I don’t know why it failed.

There are critiques of the US for being distracted by Iraq, for killing civilians, for mistakes in military or development strategy.

That is old policy. When I look at the whole picture, I look at life under Taliban then and where we are now. As to civilians, that is war. If Taliban and al-Qaeda used civilian houses as shelters, then if they want to kill you, you have to kill them.

What do you foresee for 2015 as most western troups are gone?

Afghans should take a lesson from the past. They should stop this civil war in their country. Americans saved us from the dark ages, it was like 400 years ago. Now we feel like we live in the 21st century. We still need the US to help to improve the economy, to train our army, and we will still need them to be side by side. This is world terrorism, not just terrorism. We need America as one of our allies. To tell you the truth, I feel sad when Americans leave Afghanistan. They should stay to guarantee peace in this country.

We discussed the difference between the Iraq and Afghanistan situations, about the resistance by many Iraqis to what they felt was an illegal invasion and a poorly executed occupation. I ask if Afghans want Americans out, as did a growing number of Iraqis. I ask, What do Afghans want today?

I cannot represent all Afghans. Everyone has his own personal idea. We cannot call this an invasion. We wanted to get out of that situation, so we invited US forces. They didn’t invade Afghanistan. Taliban governed for 5 years, if they were here for 13 more years, can you imagine the situation of Afghanistan compared to now?

Afghans want peace they are tired of war, so they should take a lessons from the past come together, give hands to each other and build their own country. When the US leaves, and we have a strong army to hold security and peace, we will not go back. Nobody wants to back the Taliban. We don’t see them as a serious force. All they do is suicide bombings and terrorize people. They are supported by Pakistan, especially, as you mentioned, in tribal areas. But people are tired of killing, of war in this country.

The Taliban execute a woman in public.

What do you expect to happen in 2015?

We have our own army. With US and coalition forces supporting, I am quite sure we will be able to invite Taliban to leave and join us. The policy of the government is to stop war, I think positively. I don’t think there will be a power that can struggle against our armed forces.

Can you see a scenario where the Taliban take over the country again?

No, I don’t think so.

————

Soldiers walk in and out asking questions, exchanging information. We end the formal part of the interview and the Colonel invites me to return anytime. I ask where is the best place to catch a cab outside the base, and he pauses, then says asks where I am staying. “I’ll take you,” he offers. “It’s safer that way. The soldiers are taking an exam. When they’re done, we’ll go.”

As we wait, we talk about family, his experience in the US, and Afghan history and culture.

Legendary guerrilla Ahmad Shah Massoud, killed by al_Qaeda two days before 9/11.

On Ahmed Shah Massoud.

He was martyred before 9/11. He resisted against Taliban. His followers invited US western forces. He was the only one resisting against Taliban.

What has been your personal experience with Americans?

In 2001, I could speak English fluently. I made lots of American friends. They sent me to an English course and I got the highest score, and then they asked me if I wanted to become an instructor in 2003. I was sent to the Defense Language Institute, in San Antonio, Texas. I was very famous there, the first Afghan. They would introduce me to everyone through the amigo program. Everyone was an amigo to me. I had a great time. I went back in 2006. Met my old friends again.

How were you treated outside the Institute? There have been some hard feelings toward Muslims after 9/11, especially in certain parts of the country.

The Colonel smiles. “People thought I looked Mexican, so they would come to me and start speaking Spanish.” It’s true, now that I look at him through that filter: mustache, dark skin, thick black eyebrows. Even his impeccable English has a Latin touch to it. “I never felt discrimination. There was a mosque where you could go on Fridays, no problems. That is the culture,” he said, admiringly. “They never ask you about your religion, never ask about someone’s age or salary, or political views.”

Taliban beat an Afghan woman in public.

What else did you like about America?

Everything is wonderful there. That is quite obvious. It is a great country. It was like going to a new world.

On the Islamic world’s relationship with the West.

You cannot say the Islamic world. There are Arabic countries, where there is peace. Suppose we have no Taliban here, we would live in peace. Of course there are different (Islamic) cultures. There might be fundamentalism. There are fundamentalists everywhere. It’s not the real Islam they represent. I have been to churches, to services. I just want to learn. You can see, generally, all religions direct people to the right way, to the difference between right and wrong, that is the same thing with Islam, the same with Buddhism, Christianity.

There should be a difference between the 7th century and the 21st century. Look at them (the Taliban). If you are uneducated, you will listen to anybody. You have no logic and you accept people’s ideas. But if you are educated, now you can make a difference between what people are expecting from you, what are your parents’ expectations, you have your own ability to differentiate. You can make your own decision. In this case, nobody can deceive you to destroy your country and kill your own people  (‘we will do jihad’). For them, Islam is a tool, they want to use Islam to gain access to power. And they use uneducated people.

Fundamentalists just want access to their own objectives and political aims, through Islam. In moderate Islam, there is no such thing as killing people, there is mutual understanding. Fundamentalists just want to encourage people, especially illiterate ones, to support them. They are quite easy to deceive. People who have gone to school and studied, they know, they can see the difference.

I ask about safety in Kabul.

If you wear Afghan clothing, no one would recognize you, you can go anywhere.

He asks me about funding for the book project, about my family. I brag about my daughters and he tells me he has three sons and a daughter. His son Wahid is a journalism major at Kabul University. He is happy for him, proud of his choice, and we discuss the future of journalism for young people. His daughter is nine years old.

We live in the 21st century.  We have our own culture but I don’t want my wife to wear burka. I want my daughter to go to university and choose her own life.  I am here for her, to help her and support her.

When Taliban were here, I couldn’t shave. Everybody had to grow a beard.

The Colonel takes a call as I look around his office. Another chai tea is served. His voice is gentle, earnest and his subordinates treat him with an easy respect as they march in and out. On the far wall is a map of the world. On the table is a floral centerpiece, green leaves, with unusual splashes of orange and yellow flowers. Next to me, in the corner is a middle-sized LG TV. Next to him in another corner are two large flags on poles, an Afghan flag and a blue flag, presumably AFLI. A small white board hanging from hooks next to the door. He’s off the phone. I ask him about the origins of the Taliban and their ideas. And whether this is about theology, tribal loyalties or, simply, political power.

Who allowed these Taliban? Who supported them logistically? That is Pakistan. We have some border issues, disputes. Karzai went 20-21 times to Pakistan, told them, if there is a healthy Afghanistan, there is a good market for them, if they let us live in peace, it is good for the whole region. That’s the politics, the answer to your question. Everybody is looking for their own interests.

In the US, fundamentalists disagree, but they don’t create problems (as we have here). Sometimes there is a dispute between two neighboring countries, this is common all over the world. If we have a strong, stable government with peace and security, a strong army, Pakistan can’t do anything. If there is no peace or security, they can encourage those people.

On the charge that the poppy business was shut down under the Taliban, and is now thriving.

Taliban did not stop it—it was quite common at that time—they grew poppies and supported terrorism with the money, and that is why the government is against it. They were free to grow poppies, but now the government doesn’t let them. There is an anti-narcotics department of the government. You think they can’t grow it (marijuana, etc.) in the United States (smirks)? If they hide it from the government, they can do it. It is against government policy.  I don’t agree that the Taliban stopped it and now is the largest harvest.

————

Two soldiers come in. One is sporting a green beret, the other, athletic and balding in his forties, starts to compile his test score. He needs 80 to get to a training program in the US, and has scored 61. He has three months to improve. Four of us sit around the table as they go through test documents. They energetically discuss the test scores in Dari, laughing, comparing notes. Someone asks me about my wife and I mention I’ve been divorced twice.

The green beret fellow says, “We have no divorce but different problems, financial problems, other problems.”

We talk about polygamy in Islam (“if you can afford them”) and the idea of open marriage, and, then, it’s time to go. As we leave, a gauntlet of officers say goodbye and wish me well as we walk to the car. It’s a beige army vehicle with a gun turret on top. I push into the right side of the back seat behind the Colonel and his driver. Two other soldiers pile in via the left rear door, and we’re off.

We talk about movies (Tom Cruise…) and America and my impressions of Kabul. Through it all, the Colonel remains constant: courteous, calm, confident, professional with a strong sense of mission (no more war and bring on the 21st century) and a profound appreciation for what the American presence brought him, personally, and his country.

“I’ll get off here,” I suggest as we pass Shar-e-naw, my neighborhood park. As they let me out, I decide that an Afghan Army escort is an excellent way to get home.